Dec 9, 2024
Last time we spoke about the fifth encirclement campaign againstthe CCP. After surviving four encirclement campaigns by the NRA,the CCP faced an intensified fifth campaign in 1933, as theJapanese invaded Manchuria and North China. Despite growing innumbers, the CCP struggled against the KMT’s modernized army,equipped with German weapons and strategies. A combination ofblockades, fortified positions, and superior tactics eroded RedArmy strength. By 1934, after significant losses, the Red Armyretreated, marking the campaign's end and signaling the start ofthe CCP's eventual Long March. In the battle between the NRA andthe Red Army, the NRA employed strategic counterinsurgencytechniques to block Red infiltration and gained local supportthrough loyalty and economic pressure. Meanwhile, the Red Army,hampered by internal issues and a shift in leadership towards theTwenty-eight Bolsheviks, struggled with morale and mass recruitmentof untrained peasants. As the Red Army attempted aggressive tacticsand reforms, they ultimately faced defeat, leading to theirstrategic retreat in the historic Long March.
#129 The Fujian Rebellion of 1933
Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutifulhost Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind youthis podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings andGenerals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about thehistory of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodeson history of asia and much more so go give them a look overon Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over atYoutube and to continue helping us produce this content pleasecheck out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungryfor some more history related content, over on my channel, thePacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japanfrom the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War.
In the previous episode, during the fifth encirclement campaign, Ibriefly mentioned a rebellion that took place in Fujian province.Now this story actually crosses over a few we will be covering,such as the fifth encirclement campaign, already mentioned but alsothe Japanese invasion of Shanghai in 1931, part of the Mukdenincident. So its a bit tricky for me to cover this one withoutgiving away too much of what we will be speaking about later, but Iwill try my best to be mysterious.
Now the key player I guess you can say to this story is the 19thRoute Army. The 19th Route Army’s history can be traced back to the1st division of the Guangdong Army. In 1926, this divisionunderwent a significant transformation, becoming the 4th Army ofthe NRA. At that time, Li Jishen was appointed as the commander,with Chen Mingshu serving as the commander of the newly formed 10thDivision. Other notable figures included Jiang Guangnai as thedeputy commander and Cai Tingkai leading a subordinate regiment.All of these men will be key players in theRebellion.
During the Northern Expedition, the 4th NRA Army distinguisheditself with numerous successful campaigns. The 10th Division wassubsequently expanded into the 11th Army. This new formation wenton to play a pivotal role in during the Central Plains War of 1930,assisting Chiang Kai-shek in his struggle against warlords'anti-chiang coalition. As a result of this success, the 11th Armywas reorganized into the 19th Route Army, with Jiang Guangnaiassuming the role of overall commander and Cai Tingkai becoming thearmy commander. Following these developments, the 19th Route Armythen went on to be part of the third encirclementcampaign.
Now again not to give away too much, but in 1931 the Mukdenincident broke out initiating a 15 year war between China andJapan. Most of the action took place in Manchuria, pouring slightlyinto Northern China and Inner Mongolia, but there was an expeditionperformed in Shanghai. In many ways it was like a dress rehearsalfor what would go down in 1937 during the battle of Shanghai.During the crisis, known then as the September 18th Incident, the19th Route Army was redeployed to Shanghai.This transition occurredduring a tumultuous period when Chiang Kai-shek faced significantpolitical pressure and was forced to resign. The Nanjing NationalGovernment, dominated by the Guangdong faction, saw Chen Mingshuappointed as the commander of the garrison responsible fordefending Beijing and Shanghai.
Now this was a hyper chaotic time for China, and a particularlyrough time for Chiang Kai-Shek. Chiang Kai-Shek was dealing withmultiple external and internal threats to China and his position asGeneralissimo. First off, his encirclement campaigns against theReds were not going well at all. His men were not accustomed nortrained properly to face guerilla warfare. When they assaulted theJiangxi Soviet they were entering strange territory and weregreeted by the countryfolk as enemies. The Reds, in contrast, feltat home among the villages. For years, they had lived alongside thepeople and built friendships; forging connections was a key aspectof Communist strategy. Whenever Chiang Kai-Sheks forces came tooclose for comfort, the guerrillas seamlessly blended into the localpopulation. They established their own Soviets, spread theirideology at will, and disappeared when soldiers approached. Theywere like a fluid army.
Over time, the Chinese public became less concerned about theongoing presence of the Red Army and more weary of the topic. Thosenot living in areas affected by Communist infiltration struggled tograsp the urgency of this endless conflict and began to questionwhether the costs outweighed the benefits. Very little news wasreported on the situation, and what was published came primarilyfrom government sources, portraying it as a series of victories forthe Nationalists—this battle was a success for the Nationalists,that one ended in a glorious triumph; the KMT troops had the Redson the run. A few days later, another dispatch would reiterate thesame points, as if the earlier battles had never occurred. Thefront lines never seemed to shift significantly.
Chiang Kai-Shek maintained his position as Generalissimo like anyother politician, through alliances. One of his key friends was HuHanmin. The relationship between Chiang Kai-Shek and Hu Hanmin wasnever straightforward. Their shared history was marked bysignificant jealousy, and in February 1931, they faced anotherseparation. During a KMT conference, Hu Hanmin challenged theprovisional constitution proposed by Chiang Kai-Shek, arguing thatit was prematurely defining various governmental functions. Heclaimed that Chiang Kai-Shek was consolidating too much power forhimself. Chiang Kai-Shek countered that Hu Hanmins concerns weremainly about party authority. This situation echoed their earlierdisputes in Canton, where they had debated theories under Dr SunYat-sen's influence, but now their conflicts held more weight anddidn't end in mere discussion. Hu Hanmin, overwhelmed by his anger,resigned from the presidency of the Legislative Yuan, a significantposition at the time. In response, a similarly agitated ChiangKai-Shek placed him under house arrest, or as the Chinese moredelicately termed it, “in soft detainment.” Initially, this factwas not disclosed; Hu Hanmin simply vanished.
This was quite an extreme action for someone who advocateddemocratic processes, leading to a barrage of inquiries fromcurious Europeans directed at Chiang Kai-Shek. What had happened?Where was Hu? Why had the innocuous Lin Sen been appointed aspresident of the Legislative Yuan? For a considerable time, theGeneralissimo remained silent, but eventually, he reluctantlystated that Hu was fine—indeed, quite fine; it was simply that hispersonal freedom was temporarily restricted. This was all for hisown benefit and that of the KMT. Without this restriction, themisguided individual might attempt to flee to Shanghai, which wouldonly incite dissenting factions and provoke disorder. He wasperfectly fine.
The incident was added to the ever-growing list of accusations madeby Chiang Kai-Sheks opponents, who claimed he was becoming adictator. They argued that he was squandering the nation'sresources to maintain his army while pursuing insignificantCommunists, who, if left alone, might actually become goodcitizens. Rumors circulated that he was nurturing a group of youngbullies reminiscent of the Italian "Blue Shirts." Additionally,there were concerns about the shady Chen brothers. Furthermore, itwas alleged that Chiang Kai-Shek was in close contact with gangsterTu Yueh-sen in Shanghai, profiting immensely from the opium tradethrough this connection. In fact, Chiang had recently declared thatopium would now be a government monopoly, similar to that of theBritish in Hong Kong, as he needed the funds. And now, this latestscandal! Criticism of the Generalissimo was rampant, especiallyamong students.
April passed, and the uproar over Hu Hanmin faded into discontentedwhispers, as the People’s Congress approached, providing anopportunity for open discussion about the provisional constitution.However, by May 5, people were preoccupied with other concerns. TheSouth was once again causing unrest, led by Wang Jingwei, withEugene Chen involved as well. It began with the typical manifestoor circular telegram, signed by Wang Jingwei and the Jiangxigenerals, who "impeached" Chiang Kai-Shek for his wrongdoings.Another telegram soon followed from the warlord in Canton, accusingthe Generalissimo of assuming dictatorial powers. In response,Chiang Kai-Shek convened an urgent meeting of KMT leaders,asserting that the allegations must be openly discussed andinvestigated.
He should have been able to rely on the Party’s support during sucha crisis, but the situation was unusual due to Hu Hanmin’sdetention. Some members of his own faction seized the moment tobetray him. Sun Fo and Wang Chunghui retreated to Shanghai beforemoving on to Canton. Shortly after, the Canton warlord declared analliance between Jiangxi and Guangdong, united in their fight, thiswas the Chiang-Gui War. On May 25, the southerners issued anultimatum: Chiang Kai-Shek had to resign within forty-eight hoursor face the consequences. A few days later, they established a newnational government in Canton.
Chiang Kai-Shek announced his intention to suppress the rebels butdid not rush into action. Instead, there were discussions—morediscussions—in the neutral setting of Shanghai. Throughout June andmost of July, these negotiations continued, with Chiang Kai-Shekhoping to prevent a conflict that the nation could ill afford. Thesoutherners persisted with their demands, and their appeal to Japanfor support would haunt them for a long time. Their determinationultimately prevailed, and on July 21, it was announced in Cantonthat a punitive expedition was underway. By mid-August, BaiChongxi’s army was advancing through Hunan on the old route toNanking. Chiang Kai-Shek prepared for the confrontation, and thecapital was on high alert. Meanwhile, in the North, the MukdenIncident broke out.
In the South, the generals and their associates held back,anticipating that war could be declared at any moment. However,Chiang Kai-Shek and his advisers understood that he was even lessequipped than Zhang Xueliang to initiate an offensive against apowerful foreign nation. There was the League of Nations,established presumably to address crises like this, as well as theKellogg Pact. Chiang Kai-Shek decided to refer the matter to theLeague, though his chances of a favorable outcome were slim:America, which might have otherwise been involved, was preoccupiedwith its own economic depression, and Britain remainedindifferent.
The more impulsive factions in China believed this response wasinsufficient, and the dissidents in the South demanded a strongerapproach. The students were the most incensed. On September 28,hundreds of students in Shanghai took matters into their own hands.They seized control of a train at the railway station and traveledto Nanking, where they joined forces with fellow students from thecapital's university. Together, they marched—five thousandstrong—toward the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. They pushed pastthe guards, stormed the Minister's office, forcibly dragged himoutside, and assaulted him. After recovering from his injuries inthe hospital, the Minister chose to resign. The students theninitiated a sit-in strike, declaring they would remain in Nankinguntil they received tangible action rather than mere diplomaticefforts. Authorities were unsure how to respond to them, as morepressing issues demanded the government’s attention.
It was clear that the South and Nanking needed to resolve theirdifferences, as public opinion strongly supported this. Despite theungracious criticisms emanating from Canton, where Eugene Chen wasvocally denouncing Chiang Kai-shek for his diplomatic failures,Nanking sought to negotiate. In October, Chiang Kai-Shek releasedHu Hanmin from his mild detention, and he appeared none the worsefor the unexpected break. Along with three others, he traveled toShanghai for a peace conference with the southern leaders. Hu urgedthe southerners to be reasonable and to cease calls for ChiangKai-Shek’s resignation. Chiang Kai-Shek remarked,“Regardlessof the right or wrong of the situation, if desired, all blame canbe placed squarely on me.”However, this uplifting scene was short-lived. As the Cantonfaction continued to insist on Chiang’s resignation, Hu abruptlychanged his stance and escalated the demands. He suggested that notonly should Chiang resign, but he should also be exiled from Chinaentirely. The conference ended in chaos. Various proposals werediscussed and quickly dismissed. The South remained resolute;Chiang had to go.
The sit-in students, frustrated with just sitting idle, started toescalate their actions. Their numbers had been steadily increasingsince the initial demonstration, with boys traveling to Nankingfrom distant places; by the end of November, there were twelvethousand of them. They marched again to the new governmentbuildings, demanding that Chiang Kai-Shek come out to engage in adiscussion. “War on Japan!” they shouted. Chiang Kai-Shek made themwait in the cold winter weather for a full twenty-four hours beforehe finally appeared. He reprimanded them harshly and ordered themto return to school, leading to a subdued dispersal of the crowd.On December 15th, Chiang Kai-Shek capitulated to public pressureand resigned. Chiang Kai-Shek yet again nonchalantly got up andleft heading home into the mountains. This left an extremely uneasySun Fo in the presidential chair facing what looked like a fullblown Japanese invasion. The Japanese kept reiterating they weremerely defending their citizens after the Chinese had attacked theSouth Manchurian Railway…but yeah they were certainly conquering.Sun Fo desperately looked to any veteran figures for help, but HuHanmin fled to Hong Kong, Wang Jingwei, arguably the manresponsible for forcing Chiang Kai-Shek yet again to step down wassuddenly far too ill to do anything and retired to the ShanghaiHospital.
Meanwhile, all of the bankers had lost interest in the Nanjinggovernment since Chiang Kai-Shek had departed, the governmentliterally lost its coffers. The government had no means to properlypay its armies. Now the entire time the government had been tossingoffers to Chiang Kai-Shek to come back, but he bided his time.Meanwhile Eugene Chen demanded China break off diplomatic relationswith Japan, was told no so he resigned, followed soon after by SunFo. Wang Jingwei was tossed into the presidency position, which hemust have relished, however it was just then when Shanghai wasinvaded. Chiang Kai-Shek still held his honorary position as CECover the special committee so he simply waited and watched. Yet noone could manage the military like the generalissimo nor open thecoin purses to fund it. Thus Chiang Kai-Shek was brought back, butnot really as Generalissimo, now he had to work collaborativelywith others, such as Wang Jingwei.
In 1932, the January 28 Incident unfolded, basically the Japaneseperformed another false flag operation trying to legitimize anexpedition into Shanghai. Japanese marines began to land and onJanuary 28th they were attacking in full force. The 19th Route Armymet the enemy in what became a month-long resistance against greatodds. Chiang Kai-Shek was being labeled a coward for not doing moreagainst the Japanese, but he was keeping in touch with thecommanders of the 19th Rout Army by telegraph. He advised them toguard Liuho, a village just across the Yangtze, believing theJapanese would make other landings to cut them off there. GeneralTsai neglected to take the advice, and low and behold the Japanesemade the landing forcing the 19th Route Army to pull out. Theentire situation looked incredibly bad for China. Fingers werepointed at the inept Nanjing government. Yet Chiang Kai-Shek wasmuch more focused on the encirclement campaigns against the Reds.The people angrily accused him of “makingwar on his own people instead of attending to the real threat,Japan”.To this Chiang Kai-Shek replied “Itis useless for China to talk of resisting Japan. When it has notyet stamped out the enemy in its midst. If China ventures to fightthe Japanese, the Communists will attack from the rear and chaoswill quickly overtake the whole country.”
The 19th Route Army were hailed as heroes, receiving a lot ofrecognition as a prominent anti-Japanese force. Despite Japan’sattempts to reinforce its troops, Chiang Kai-shek’s return toleadership saw further NRA forces dispatched to join the fight.Eventually, the conflict reached a resolution through diplomaticnegotiations, resulting in the withdrawal of the 19th Route Armyfrom Shanghai. With the Japanese threat averted for the time beingChiang Kai-Shek redirected his efforts against the Reds. On May 21,1932, Chiang Kai-shek ordered the 19th Route Army to enter Fujianand forced the army to engage in a civil war against the Communistsin Fujian. On December 6 of the same year, Jiang Guangnai took overas the chairman of Fujian Province, and Cai Tingkai was appointedas the director of the Fujian Pacification Office and commander ofthe 19th Route Army.
At this point the leadership of the 19th Route Army were not at allhappy with Chiang Kai-Shek, who to them seemed to have done littleto help face the Japanese. They were not friendly to the CCP by anymeans and were actively suppressing Communist organizations whilefighting the Japanese. When they came to Fujian they continued tosuppress communists and supported people’s anti-Japanese patrioticmovements. On August 18, 1932, the 61st Division of the 19th RouteArmy collectively executed 69 CCP members and suspected individualsoutside the East Gate of Quanzhou, and they also carried out masskillings of government workers from the Soviet area during theiroffensive against it. Despite this the CCP and 19th Route Army didagree on one thing, the Japanese were a problem.
After November 22, 1933, as Japanese imperialism intensified itsinvasion of China, the people across the nation once again launcheda wave of anti-Japanese salvation movements. On January 17 of thesame year, the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese SovietRepublic and the Revolutionary Military Committee of the Workers'and Peasants' Red Army issued a "Joint Anti-Japanese Declaration,"proposing three conditions for cooperation with any armed forces toresist Japan: an immediate halt to attacks on the Soviet areas,immediate guarantees of the democratic rights of the people, andthe immediate arming of the people to establish armed volunteerforces. However, Chiang Kai-shek's ruling group stubbornlypersisted in its anti-Communist and anti-people policies,continuing to intensify attacks on the Red Army, and on May 31, hesigned a peace agreement with the Japanese.
Chiang Kai-Shek was met with another wave of opposition across thenation for appeasing the Japanese. The 19th Route Army basicallyconcluded the Generalissimo was not going to help wage a waragainst their enemy. Thus in a rather insane fashion, theleadership of the 19th Route Army resolved to overthrow the Nanjinggovernment so they could unite the anti-Japanese forces and pushfor a national resistance. At that time, Chen Mingshu, an earlyleader of the 19th Route Army who had gone abroad and hadpreviously served as the vice president of the Executive Yuan ofthe National Government, returned to China in May 1933 and devotedall his efforts to opposing Chiang Kai-shek's Nanjing government.In Fuzhou, he secretly discussed three strategies with JiangGuangnai, Cai Tingkai, and Deng Xizeng: the first was to unite withGuangdong and Guangxi to overthrow Chiang Kai-Shek, supporting HuHanmin to organize an independent government; the second was tounite with Li Zongren and Bai Chongxi of Guangxi, and Chen Jitangof Guangdong, seizing Guangdong; the last was to unite with the RedArmy to resist Chiang Kai-Shek together.
As a result, neither the first nor the second strategies could berealized. Under Chiang Kai-shek's repeated orders to engage incivil war, the 78th Division and the 62nd Division of the 19thRoute Army faced severe blows from the Red Army in Fujian betweenJuly and September 1933. Thus, the 19th Route Army found itself ina dire situation where not engaging in the "anti-Communist" actionswould lead to its annihilation by Chiang Kai-shek, while engagingin "anti-Communist" actions would result in its destruction by theRed Army. In the context of rising national anti-Japanesesentiment, the upper leadership of the 19th Route Army had toswiftly make the choice to unite with the Communists to resistChiang Kai-Shek and fight against Japan.
On September 22, 1933, Chen Mingshu's main aide, Chen Gongpei, whohad participated in the Nanchang Uprising and later left the CCP,secretly arrived at the command post of the 3rd Red Army Corpsstationed at Wangtai, to express the political stance of the 19thRoute Army to leaders of the Red Army, such as Peng Dehuai, TengDaiyuan, and Yuan Guoping, regarding anti-Chiang resistance andcooperation with the Red Army. In October, Chen Gongpei accompaniedXu Minghong, the plenipotentiary representative of the 19th RouteArmy and secretary-general of its headquarters, to Ruijin. On the26th, he signed the "PreliminaryAgreement Against Japan and Against Chiang"with Pan Jianxing, a representative of the Provisional CentralGovernment of the Chinese Soviet Republic and the Workers' andPeasants' Red Army. The main contents included: both sidesimmediately cease military actions, temporarily define a militarydemarcation line, restore trade between both parties; the FujianPeople's Revolutionary Government and the 19th Route Army agree tothe existence and activities of all revolutionary organizations inFujian, allow freedom of publication, speech, assembly, andstrikes, and immediately release political prisoners, among otherprovisions. The Soviet Provisional Central Government also sent PanJianxing as a permanent representative in Fuzhou. Subsequently,Chen Mingshu, Li Jishen, Jiang Guangnai, Cai Tingkai, and othersactively prepared to establish a new government and made militarypreparations against Chiang Kai-Shek.
On November 20, 1933, Li Jishen, Jiang Guangnai, Cai Tingkai, andrepresentatives from over 100 cities across the country, along with100,000 people from various sectors in Fuzhou, convened theNational People's Temporary Representative Assembly in Fuzhou. Theassembly issued the "Declarationof People's Rights of the Chinese People's Temporary RepresentativeAssembly"and decided to establish the People's Revolutionary Government ofthe Republic of China. They elected Li Jishen, Chen Mingshu, ChenYouren, Feng Yuxiang , Cai Tingkai, Jiang Guangnai, Huang Qixiang,Xu Qian, Fang Zhenwu, Li Zhangda, Sa Zhenbing, He Gonggan, andother 12 members to the government, with Li Jishen as thegovernment chairman. On November 22, the People's RevolutionaryGovernment was officially established, with the capital in Fuzhou.The People's Revolutionary Government Committee set up a MilitaryCommittee, an Economic Committee, and a Cultural Committee, chairedrespectively by Li Jishen, Yu Xinqing, and Chen Mingshu; andestablished a Ministry of Finance, a Ministry of Foreign Affairs, aSupreme Court, and a Political Security Bureau, led respectively byJiang Guangnai, Chen Youren, Xu Qian, and Li Zhangda. The People'sRevolutionary Government successively issued: The People'sRevolutionary Government's Internal Telegram. The People'sRevolutionary Government's External Declaration.The People'sPolitical Program - Eighteen Articles of the Minimum Program andother documents, openly announcing anti-Japanese and anti-Chiang,and proposing some domestic and foreign policies with certainprogressive significance.
The "Internal Telegram of the People's Revolutionary Government"announced the government's future mission: 1) to seek theliberation of the Chinese nation and establish a truly independentand free country; 2) to eliminate the counter-revolutionary Nanjinggovernment and establish a political power of the productivepeople; 3) to realize the equal rights of all ethnic groups in thecountry; 4) to guarantee the absolute freedom and equality of allproductive people; 5) to eliminate the influence of imperialism inChina, overthrow the warlords, eradicate the remnants of the feudalsystem, develop the national economy, and liberate the workingpeople.
The "Declaration of the People's Revolutionary Government toForeign Countries" sternly pointed out the Nanjing government'straitorous behavior and warned the powers not to cooperate withChiang Kai-shek. The Declaration stated: "Webelieve that the policies of the pro-American and pro-League ofNations factions are based on dangerous principles... However, itmust be recognized that the objective result of the pro-Americanand pro-League of Nations factions will put China under aninternational condominium system, which is no less harmful thanChiang Kai-shek's pro-Japanese policies... It is recognized thatChina's real power must be established on a national basis... Wefinally declare that overthrowing the Chiang regime is not onlynecessary for China's independence and national salvation, but alsofor the military and economic interests of the whole world... Inorder to enhance international security, we have to warn the powersnot to make any loans to the Chiang Kai-shek government in Nanjing,whether it is money, goods, or weapons. We also declare that if anysuch loans are concluded in the future, the Chinese people andtheir revolutionary government will completely denythem."
The People's Political Program - Eighteen Articles of the MinimumProgram declared: "Chinais a semi-feudal society under the rule of imperialists. Thegreatest goal of the Chinese revolution is to eliminate theimperialist domination in China; at the same time, to sweep awayall feudal forces and establish a government that fully representsthe rights of the people..."The 18 articles of the minimum program are:
(1) Abolish unequal treaties and renegotiate equal and mutuallybeneficial treaties with other countries;
(2) Foreign-invested or foreign-managed enterprises and culturalundertakings that are harmful to the interests of the Chinesenation may be restricted or confiscated;
(3) To sort out new and old foreign debts. All political loans thatharm the country should be absolutely denied; others should berepaid conditionally;
(4) Implementing foreign trade controls;
(5) Strictly implement absolute tariff autonomy;
(6) Open up the political system and deny all political rights tocounter-revolutionaries who are dependent on imperialism andwarlords;
(7) All nationalities within China are equal, may freely unite forrevolution, and recognize national self-determination;
(8) Ensure the people’s absolute freedom of body, residence,speech, assembly, association, strike, demonstration andpublication;
(9) Implement universal suffrage;
(10) Abolish all excessive taxes and levies;
(11) The principle of "everyone who tills the land owns the land"was established, and land was distributed according to the numberof people. Forests, mines, and rivers were completelynationalized.
(12) All important banking and transportation enterprises shall beunder state control;
(13) Use political power and state capital to support thescientific development of agricultural production;
(14) Usury is strictly prohibited;
(15) Unscrupulous merchants will be eliminated and the people’sdaily necessities will be sold under the state monopoly;
(16) To formulate agricultural and industrial laws, improve thelives of farmers and workers, and ensure the development ofagricultural and industrial organizations;
(17) Promote universal education;
(18) Implement conscription, arm the people, and assist them intheir anti-imperialist and economic and politicalstruggles.
After the establishment of the People's Revolutionary Government,it caused a great stir domestically and internationally. However,due to Wang Ming's "leftist" closure policy, the local partyorganization in Fujian initially adopted a hostile strategy towardthe People's Revolutionary Government. It wasn't until earlyDecember, after the Fuzhou Central Municipal Committee received aletter from the Central Committee dated October 30 addressing theFuzhou Central Municipal Committee and all comrades in Fujian, thatthey began to adopt a proactive cooperative approach toward thePeople's Revolutionary Government and the 19th Route Army. AfterDecember 29, the Fuzhou Central Municipal Committee issued adeclaration in the name of the "FarEast Anti-Imperialist Non-War Anti-Fascist Alliance, FuzhouBranch,"publicly calling for the establishment of an anti-imperialistunited front. The People's Revolutionary Government also fullyreprinted this declaration in its official newspapers, the"People's Daily" and the "Guoguang Daily." The Fuzhou branch thenmobilized people from all walks of life to establish the"Committeeto Oppose Kuomintang Air Raids and Support the Soldiers of the 19thRoute Army Against the Kuomintang,"organizing personnel to visit the stationed troops of the 19thRoute Army to comfort the soldiers. The People's RevolutionaryGovernment also adopted a cooperative attitude toward the economicstruggles of workers' organizations.
On November 18, Chen Mingshu called for an emergency secret meetingof the 19th Route Army and other key figures at Heshui Rock inGushan. The meeting took place at Longyuan Pavilion, and attendeesincluded Li Jishen, Chen Mingshu, Cai Tingkai, Jiang Guangnai, ChenYouren, Huang Qixiang, Xu Qian, Li Zhangda, and more than ten othermilitary commanders and the chief of staff of the 19th Route Army.The discussion, which lasted from morning until late at night,revolved around heated debates concerning the timing of theuprising.
Cai Tingkai advocated for postponing the uprising by one to twomonths for several reasons; many generals in the 19th Route Armywere still undecided or openly opposed to the rebellion, the troopshad yet to be mobilized, defenses were unorganized, various forceshad not surrendered, and traitors and spies were still active.Additionally, Guangdong and Guangxi were not providing support, andChiang Kai-shek was already aware of their plans. Cai Tingkaiargued for more time to accelerate preparations without drawingimmediate attention from Chiang Kai-Shek. In contrast, Chen Mingshuand others believed this was the last opportunity for an uprising.They pointed out that Chiang Kai-shek’s forces were concentrated inNorth China, and Jinpu and particularly in Jiangxi, where his maintroops were engaged in the fifth encirclement campaign against theSoviet area. They estimated that only 20,000 to 30,000 troops couldbe redirected to Fujian. Overestimating the political instabilityof Chiang’s regime, Chen Mingshu believed that once the 19th RouteArmy raised the flag of rebellion, support from other regions ofChina would follow. He also felt confident that one division of the19th Route Army could resist two or three of Chiang’s divisions andthat with cooperation from the Red Army, even if Chiang Kai-Shekdeployed ten divisions, they would prevail. Chen Mingshu concludedthat regardless of the outcome, the effort would be heroic and theyshould proceed without hesitation. The meeting's opposingviewpoints led to intense discussions. Chen Mingshu, visiblypassionate, declared that revolution required sacrifice and thatdelaying any longer would mean submission to Nanjing. Cai Tingkai,while originally advocating for a delay, conceded that thesituation had reached a point of no return. He agreed to lead the19th Route Army and fully back the new government.
The meeting concluded with a decision to convene the NationalPeople's Provisional Congress in Fuzhou on November 20 toofficially declare the uprising against Chiang Kai-Shek. Othertopics discussed included replacing the blue sky, white sun partyflag, military and financial logistics, and a declaration draftedby Chen Mingshu’s advisors, Wang Lixi and Hu Qiuyuan. On November20, 1933, the National People's Provisional Congress convened atthe South Parade Ground in Fuzhou, with thousands of soldiers,students, merchants, and workers in attendance. A banner reading"China'sNational People's Provisional Congress"adorned the stage, and the leaders of the rebellion, including CaiTingkai, Jiang Guangnai, and Li Jishen, were present, though ChenMingshu was absent due to illness. Representatives from 25provinces and various walks of life gathered for the event. Beforethe meeting, the 19th Route Army’s newly formed air force performedstunts, to the applause of the crowd. At 9:40 AM, the meeting beganwith Huang Qixiang, who was elected chairman of the presidium,delivering an opening speech and reading the "Declarationof the People's Rights of the Provisional Chinese People'sCongress."Several prominent figures spoke, and the meeting concluded with theadoption of proposals to establish the People's RevolutionaryGovernment and a new national flag designed by Ouyang Yuqian. Thatevening, the presidium decided to form the People's RevolutionaryGovernment of the Republic of China, abolishing the Nanjinggovernment, declaring 1933 as the first year of the Republic, andestablishing Fuzhou as the capital. Li Jishen was electedPresident, and several others, including Chen Mingshu, JiangGuangnai, and Cai Tingkai, were appointed governmentmembers.
However the Fujian Revolution failed to gain support from otherforces within the KMT. The Guangxi clique was dissatisfied with thefact that the 19th Route Army reconciled with the CCP so they didnot support it. Chen Jitang tossed his lot in with Chiang Kai-shekand did not support the Fujian Revolution either. At that time, theCCP was undergoing a power struggle. On December 5, the CentralCommittee of the CCP, headed by Wang Ming, issued a statementstating that the Fujian government was "non-peopleand still non-revolutionary and that anyone who wants to take athird way between revolution and counter-revolution will inevitablyfail.".
Thus, Chiang Kai-shek transferred eight divisions of the NationalRevolutionary Army into Fujian, and coordinated the attack with theair force and navy. The 19th Route Army quickly collapsed. Four outof the five armies defected before the battle even began. Most ofthem were disarmed by the Central Army that they had fought side byside with during the Shanghai Incident a year ago. On January 15,1934, Chiang Kai-shek’s forces captured Fuzhou. The People'sRevolutionary Government and the headquarters of the 19th RouteArmy retreated to Zhangzhou and Quanzhou, respectively. By January21, both Quanzhou and Zhangzhou had fallen, and the FujianRebellion had failed. The People's Revolutionary Government of theRepublic of China collapsed within two months of its establishment.On the 21st, the remaining troops of the 19th Route Army switchedover to supporting the central government, and the FujianRevolution officially came to an end. Jiang Guangnai, Cai Tingkai,Chen Mingshu and Li Jishen fled to Hong Kong . The designation ofthe 19th Route Army of the National Revolutionary Army wascancelled, and the troops were dispersed and integrated.
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Yes it was a tad bit of an anti climatic event in the grand schemeof things. Yet the provincial rebellion was notable because thepeople involved wanted to fight the Japanese and believed theirgovernment was not doing enough to challenge the external threat.The reality however was far more complicated, the Japanese were fartoo formidable, for now.
